739 people murdered by Tatmadaw in Myanmar

739 people have now been murdered by the criminal military of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma). In march 2021 the regime had murdered 400 Myanmar workers who resisted the military coup of February 2021. Aung San Suu Kyi who was the State Councillor of the country from 2015 until February 2021, is again under house arrest. Meanwhile the man who was installed by the military in 2011 to lead the whole army, is now Supreme Leader of the State Administration Council.

Min Aung Hlaing is a true mass-murderer in the style of Benjamin Netanyahu. After becoming leader of the Tatmadaw (military) in 2011, he worked at first with the first democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. But general Hlaing was never a democrat. He only worked with Suu Kyi because she supported the 2008 military constitution and agreed on giving the Tatmadaw a lot of political power. In short, Aung San Suu Kyi collaborated with the very militarists who had imprisoned her between 1989 and 2010. Despite her willingness to work with the army, by the end of 2020 it was clear that the Tatmadaw had enough of ”democracy” after losing another election to the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Between 2015 and 2021, the economy of Myanmar grew because multinational capitalists used the country for its cheap labour. Many cloths were produced in Myanmar because wages were ever lower compared to China. Covid-19 hit the country, but its was the coup of February that created an economic crisis. As one worker noted: ”My factory is closed. I have no job. How can I cope with two kids? I am having to give a blanket to my son and daughter who are sleeping in the corner of my house after eating rice”. The coup closed international banking as many ATM machines are very restricted.

The military regime reacts with extreme hostility to anybody who stands up to them. 120.000 teachers have been fired for protesting against the Tatmadaw. 4,296 got arrested and are held in prison camps run by the regime. Although brute force and mass murder have been trademarks of the Tatmadaw, it is clear that the working class of Myanmar is not accepting them. The period 2011-2021 opened up the country and despite some restrictions, this was the most free period since the first military coup of 1962. To oppose the new military regime, workers need to be organized. Armed struggle is not the only solution because it often side-lines working class people.

Although some call the regime ”fascist”, this is not true. Fascism was build around the petty-bourgeoisie in Italy, Germany and Spain. It survived on their support and the military government does not have a mass base of demoralized and impoverished middle class to draw support from. In fact the State Administration Council led by Min Aung Hlaing is relying on less then 549.000 active soldiers in both army, navy, air force and paramilitary. The opposition can rally millions to overthrow the military government. But for that to work it needs unity of working class people in opposition to ethnic sectarianism that is so common in Myanmar.

Despite having a strong military, the State Administration Council should not feel secure. If organized with a revolutionary leadership the working class with ease overthrow the Tatmadaw. The question is who is leading the working class? The National League for Democracy (NLD) lost support by working with the military between 2015 and 2021. They collaborated with Min Aung Hlaing and were betrayed by him in the end. We revolutionary socialists knew back in 2015 that the NLD collaboration with the Tatmadaw would not result in any genuine changes. Aung San Suu Kyi is not the face the revolution needs.

What workers need is to build independent committees that can unite in a single force. The NLD has organized the oppositional Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) with the Ta’ang National Party, Kachin State People’s Party and Kayah State Democratic Party. Other ethnic parties have joined with the military in order to get special privileges. These ethnic political parties who joined the State Administration Council are the: Kayin People’s Party, National Democratic Force, Karenni National Progressive Party, Arakan National Party, the Mon Unity Party and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (main political party of the military).

Most political parties in Myanmar are ethnic based, this is why a workers party on a socialist program is needed. Ethnic sectarianism is a huge hinder in building a united front of all workers. The NLD and their allies in the CRPH have this misguided idea that the international capitalist world would come to their defence. This policy is doomed to fail, because the State Administration Council is supported by imperialist powers like China and Russia. Also the capitalist governments of Europe and the USA do not care about ordinary working class people in their own nations, let alone in a far away country like Myanmar.

Revolutionary socialists do not support the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw. Mainly because its is made up by capitalist politicians who have collaborated with the army in the past. Also their tactics do not work and since the CRPH works in exile, it is unclear how much influence they actually have inside the country. We support independent action of the working class. At the same time we must expose the criminal nature of foreign capitalists like H&M and Primark who keep buying cloths from Myanmar factories. Not only are workers paid a very low wage, they are also locked inside factories to prevent them joining demonstrations against the regime.

It is understandable that many young workers are willing to take up arms. We agree that armed struggle is justified, but only under control of a revolutionary organisation that stands for all workers. Many rebel groups are ethnic based and only fight for the interests of their own tribe/people.

As International Socialist Alternative (ISA) explains:

The defeat of the Tatmadaw needs a working class-led political campaign that guarantees the right of self-determination to all national minorities, the redistribution of land to all poor farmers and their families, proper wages and trade union rights to workers. This would forge a clear unity between the workers, poor farmers and ethnic minorities in this struggle.

The liberal methods of compromising with the army have failed. After 59 years of blood and murder, the Armed Forces of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar needs to be overthrow and dissolved. Its generals and leading officers are to be trialled, not just for the 2021 coup but also for oppressing the working class since 1962. Min Aung Hlaing is the current face of the regime, but others are guilty of crimes too. Others like Than Shwe and Maung Aye share as much guilt as Min Aung Hlaing. This is why we call for the formation of a revolutionary workers and peasants army to overthrow these military tyrants. No trust in the NLD or any other capitalist opposition group. Workers in Myanmar have nothing to lose but their chains, they have a world to win!

Revolution needed in Myanmar

In less then two months after the coup of the military in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma), over 300 demonstrators have been killed by military units. 300 innocent lives lost by the criminal Tatmadaw, the Armed Forces of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Tyrant Min Aung Hlaing has shown his true colours, although the supreme leader of the State Administration Council claims he is ”defending democracy”. Problem for him is that nobody believes his lies, his only supporters are the military, police and his civilian puppets of the Union Solidarity and Development Party. What needed in Myanmar is a revolution to overthrow the military regime. This is not easy, because the army made up of 500.000 armed men willing to murder. Myanmar workers need to unite in a revolutionary army that can unite all ethnicities and fights for a democratic and socialist federation.

Revolutionary socialists feared that a blood path would happen. The criminal Tatmadaw has never been afraid to carry out mass murder. When the army first took power in 1962 they destroyed civilian rule for almost fifty years. In 1988, the military rejected the democratic elections that gave power to the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who betrayed her followers by accepting the 2008 constitution and working with the military after 2015. In the end, she was betrayed by the Tatmadaw and arrested again, just as in 1988. Aung San Suu Kyi is the living example why you cannot trust any army that used to rule supreme. The same we say about the Thai military, which has also shown to have no regard for democratic rule.

300 people have been murdered as they were protesting against the military regime, the State Administration Council. Now the generals led by Min Aung Hlaing openly declare that they will shoot and kill anybody who stands against them. With fear and mass murder they try to silence the masses who do not support the junta. Many more will die unless the working class of Myanmar unites in a revolutionary army of workers and peasants. This revolutionary army must be multi-ethnic and not build on ethnic nationalism as many rebel armies are. However a revolutionary army can only be build democratically by decentralized councils of workers, peasants and poor of all ethnicities.

Protesting is not working anymore, the military junta will shoot to kill. Myanmar workers need to understand this, the time to protesting is over. What now is needed is revolutionary action and unity of the working class. A government in exile by members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) has been build, but how much influence does the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw actually has inside the country? The NLD has been discredited for working under the undemocratic 2008 constitution for six years. Under NLD rule, the Tatmadaw kept violating democratic rights and even started a massive ethnic cleansing of the Islamic minority (the Rohingya).

International Socialist Alternative (ISA) has written a clear statement on the current situation and what is needed:

To get rid of the army, the struggle must be fought on the political but also on the economical plain. The army tops played an active role in the privatisations which swept the economy after 1988. Many important companies are in military hands, including the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) or Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd (MEHL), which bought up some lucrative parts of the economy in the privatisation wave. This is instinctively understood in the movement: for example, beer from Myanmar Beer or products from telecom operator MyTel (both part of MEC) are being massively boycotted.

The protest movement needs a program to really give power to the people. This means not only democratic elections, but control by the people over the key sectors of the economy to enable democratic planning of the country’s vast wealth. This will not happen through the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, even if this body, under pressure from the movement, has to adopt a more radical profile than what was previously advocated by the NLD. The policy of cooperation with the army has failed, so the NLD must turn its back on this. However, even that is not enough to bring about fundamental change.

Revolutionary socialists support the creation of independent committees/councils of the working class. These councils then can take power away from local military officials. Revolutionary action will result in violence and even deaths, because the regime will not let go of its power. It remains to be seen how loyal soldiers and local police officers are to the Tatmadaw, when faced with a organized opposition of millions. Because the military junta only relies on 500.000 armed men to guard their dictatorship. Myanmar has a population of at least 54 million. If five million could be organized into a revolutionary army, it would overthrow the Tatmadaw.

Myanmar has never been poor, its wealth has been stolen for fifty years by the criminal military and capitalist class. The National League for Democracy (NLD) failed to bring genuine changes, we knew this back in 2015. It is time for Myanmar workers to understand this and fight for a socialist alternative. It will not easy as there is no mass revolutionary party willing to fight for it. The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is not fighting for socialism as they are build by political parties who support capitalism. The working class in Myanmar (Burma) is the only force capable to defeat the criminal military oppressors.

Revolutionary uprising needed in Myanmar

The liberal method of compromising with authoritarian militarists has failed in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma). Revolutionary socialists warned the National League for Democracy (NLD) ten years ago, that participating in elections under a deeply flawed military created constitution, would not result in a democratic Myanmar. Aung San Suu Kyi, the icon of human rights in the country has proven to be a failure. She failed to create a genuine democracy and looked away as the criminal Armed Forces (the Tatmadaw) carried out massive abuses. Under her leadership the army kept important ministries and 25% of all parliamentary seats belong to representatives from the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw). On 1 February 2021, the army under Min Aung Hlaing decided on removing Aung San Suu Kyi and reinstall a military dictatorship.

We are not surprised at this development in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. The Tatmadaw never wanted a genuine democracy. They wanted to create a country with a democratic façade. This led to the creation of the 2008 constitution, which gave the Tatmadaw automatic control over 25% of all seats in the House of Representatives. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing who has been leader of the Tatmadaw since 2011, worked under the previous junta called the State Peace and Development Council. When this junta was dissolved he kept a close eye on the winning NLD, the National League for Democracy. His political puppets of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) failed to win the elections, so he and his generals were quite happy when Aung San Suu Kyi was willing to play by their rules.

Suu Kyi betrayed the millions who had suffered under the corrupt and criminal Tatmadaw since 1962, the year of the first military coup. Back then the Tatmadaw were led by a paranoid person called Ne Win. Like Min Aung Hlaing today, Ne Win supported far-right Buddhist nationalism and used the military against his opponents. Although the military regime of Ne Win used socialist rhetoric between 1971 and 1988, they were not building socialism. By 1988, the majority of Myanmar workers and students turned on the Tatmadaw in massive protests. Ne Win ordered his men to open fire, they murdered over 5.000 innocent people. Fearful of a revolution, the army agreed on holding democratic election in 1990. These elections were won by the National League for Democracy led by Suu Kyi.

However the generals rejected the results of the 1990 elections. The NLD had defeated the party of Ne Win and the Tatmadaw. Unwilling to accept democratic civilian rule, the generals created the State Law and Order Restoration Council, renamed State Peace and Development Council after 1997. This military junta would use any means to stay in power. Military head of state until 2011 was Than Shwe, who enriched himself and his family while millions suffered poverty and abuses at the hands of the Tatmadaw. With the introduction of the 2008 constitution, the flag and name of Myanmar was changed. The Union of Myanmar became the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. At first the NLD of Aung San Suu Kyi rejected the new constitution, but after 2011 choose to participate in the 2015 elections after world capitalism decided to support the new façade.

Revolutionary socialists criticized the liberal method of compromising with the Tatmadaw. By their rules, Aung San Suu Kyi was not able to become head of state. Because she is married to a British citizen, Suu Kyi was barred from becoming President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. The NLD decided to set up a political puppet while Suu Kyi became head of the government after winning the 2015 elections. Although 60% of the voters voted for the NLD, Suu Kyi changed little to nothing. Market reforms that were started by the Tatmadaw were not halted. She allowed foreign capitalists to exploit Myanmar workers and because the Armed Forces did not stop their intolerance, nothing changed. This is why many rebel groups did not stopped fighting after 2011. The Northern Alliance that fights in the north against the oppressive Tatmadaw has increased its attacks.

It is clear now that Aung San Suu Kyi became more or less a puppet of right-wing nationalism. In Myanmar there are many people of different ethnicities. The Bamar people make up 68% of the population. They are the biggest ethnic group and the Tatmadaw makes sure that only Bamar culture is tolerated. Officially this is not allowed, because Myanmar is a multicultural nation. However the Tatmadaw is made up of far-right Bamar nationalists like Min Aung Hlaing, who all support Buddhist fundamentalism. This is reflected in their prosecution of the Rohingya, a Islamic minority who are hunted down because they are not Buddhist. In 2016, the generals started the Rohingya genocide which forced over 700.000 Rohingya out of Myanmar. Thousands of towns were burned, 116.000 were beaten and 36.000 were thrown into the fires of their own homes. With support from far-right monks, the soldiers raped over 20.000 girls and killed many of them.

These crimes against the Islamic Rohingya are not hot news in the western world. This is because Muslims dying is not news interesting enough to appear on television. The UN has founded the military and authority guilty of the crime of genocide against the Rohingya and the Kachin minority groups. Aung San Suu Kyi showed her true colours and rejected the claims of genocide. She kept insisting that the army was fighting against rebels. By betraying her liberal values, Suu Kyi was criticised by many in the western world. But nothing was done to stop the genocide. Western governments remained on good terms with the NLD government of Aung San Suu Kyi. The army kept their democratic façade up for six years. But after losing massively in the November 2020 election, Min Aung Hlaing decided to remove Suu Kyi and build up the State Administrative Council.

Min Aung Hlaing is now the next Ni Wen, the next Than Shwe. His State Administrative Council is exactly like the State Law and Order Restoration Council/State Peace and Development Council (1990-2011). We are back to the situation as it was in 1990. The National League for Democracy (NLD) will be banned, any political party in opposition to the Tatmadaw will also be removed. It proofs again why a revolutionary uprising is needed. No pacifist protests, the army will not abandon their privileges, wealth and power. The working class of Myanmar needs to be united under a socialist program. This is the only way of uniting the Bamar working class with the workers of ethnic minorities. Bamar nationalism mixed with Buddhist fundamentalism is how the Tatmadaw ruled since 1962. It led to many ethnic minorities to take up arms and be branded as ”terrorists” by the government.

Myanmar (Burma) cannot trust the NLD or liberals like Aung San Suu Kyi. Although a clear majority voted for them in 2015 and 2020, the liberals of the National League for Democracy failed. Their support for capitalism and the military 2008 constitution shows that they cannot be a alternative for working class people. Revolutionary uprisings are now needed, democratic organized by the class who is the majority. This will result in violence and deaths, but there is no other way. It is possible however that soldiers and police units could side with the working class if they rise up massively. However the Tatmadaw is made up of 549.000 enlisted. They are paid good money and have privileges like modern houses in the capital of Naypyidaw. The elite who live in the capital are all linked to the military.

Revolutionary socialists call on workers to organize and rise up against the Tatmadaw. A workers and peasants army must be build up under control of democratic councils of the working class. These councils can overthrow the generals and Min Aung Hlaing. However win-out revolutionary leadership there is no hope of genuine change. The NLD under Aung San Suu Kyi did not organized massive resistance and decided on pacifist opposition against the first junta. A revolutionary party on a socialist program is what Myanmar needs. It is the only way to brake the Tatmadaw and to provide a socialist alternative to the millions who are suffering under capitalist exploitation. Because the five leading generals of the State Administrative Council are all corrupt and rich. They must be overthrown and for that a revolutionary uprising is needed in Myanmar!